The U.S. Budget: “No, we can’t”

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 Beneath the surface noise of the fiscal drama that has kept Washington on edge for months lies a serious societal choice. The model in vogue in the United States since the Reagan era—low taxes and feeble welfare support—is fast unraveling in a society undergoing major change. With a tax rate some 33 percent below the OECD average and one of the highest debt-to-GDP ratios anywhere, the U.S. government’s coffers are virtually empty—leaving it ill-equipped to meet swelling demand for public programs to address such issues as rising poverty, declining geographic mobility, and a rapidly aging population.

The country has two basic alternatives:

  • Either the Americans stand pat in rejecting the inevitable—a hefty increase in taxation—thus accepting, in essence, greater inequality and the demise of the American Dream;
  • Or, as is more likely, they eventually agree to abandon their previous credo, in which case a secular increase in payroll and income tax will be on the agenda.

But either way, the United States of tomorrow will be a very different beast from the pre-crisis United States.

The U.S. fiscal controversy is far from over. More to the point, it has unquestionably weakened the country’s ability to reverse its debt trajectory any time soon.

Our 2013–2014 Scenario: A Situation Under Control

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  • Global GDP up 3.1 percent in 2013, 4.1 percent in 2014. With difficult conditions prevailing through the first half of 2013, the world economy will not grow any faster than the 3.2 percent registered in 2012. It will take until 2014 for global growth to exceed 4 percent—a level not seen since 2010. 
  • 50–50. Over the next two years, emerging economies will add $4 trillion to their combined GDP (at constant 2010 prices and exchange rates), contributing four times as much to global output as developed countries. By 2014, global GDP should therefore be evenly distributed between the emerging and developed worlds. 
  • Inflation. All quiet on this front in 2013, but will start to edge up in 2014. Weak growth and receding commodity prices in early 2013 should keep a lid on inflation throughout the year. However, more vigorous recovery in 2014 will push commodity prices up (with oil reaching $130) and accelerate inflation in emerging markets.
  • Sovereigns. Budget deficits should ease slightly in 2013; public debt will continue to swell in 2013 and 2014. Countries that have structurally weakened and whose reform policies have yet to kick in will still be at risk. Italy tops the list, followed by Spain; France is balanced on the razor’s edge; and the future of Japan will depend on how successful the new prime minister’s stimulus program is.
  • The U.S. unemployment rate will diminish to 6.5 percent in the first half of 2014. The Fed’s quantitative easing program will be over. Expectations that interest rates will revert to normal levels will bring the period of low long-term rates in the Western world to an end.
  • 10-year U.S. Treasury Note yields will hit 3.5 percent by end-2014. The rise in U.S. long-term yields will go from gradual in the latter half of 2013 to more pronounced in 2014. Europe will follow suit, with a moderate widening of the T-Bond/Bund spread.
  • The euro will trade at $1.35 in 2013. The Fed’s vastly expanded balance sheet, combined with the elimination of extreme risk in the euro area, will keep the dollar low against the euro in 2013. But the trend will reverse in 2014 when the Fed abandons its unconventional policy tools.

 

When the Eurozone Policy Mix Becomes a Weapon of Mass Destruction

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Last week’s economic data should have eliminated any lingering doubts about the state of the eurozone. The recession has definitely arrived in the single-currency countries—all of them. Although the third-quarter figures turned out to be slightly less bleak than suggested by surveys this summer, that doesn’t alter the overall picture. In fact, the eurozone will probably pay dearly in the fourth quarter for the unexplained rebound in automotive output that drove the better-than-expected performance, since order backlogs have shrunk dramatically and automakers already plan to mothball significant production capacity in November.

The U.S. Economy: Still Far From the Mark

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In an environment dominated for months by mounting fears of the worst, pleasant surprises understandably create a fair amount of enthusiasm. That leaves economists with the thankless task of urging the enthusiasts not to get their hopes up too fast. The U.S. economy has shown encouraging signs in the past few months, including revival of the housing market, higher consumer sentiment, and, in the past few days, good news from the job market. But the country is not out of the woods yet.

  • The jobless rate has fallen to its lowest level since 2008. A less heartening statistic, however, is that private-sector employment has yet to recover to where it stood in 2001. In this area, the U.S. economy has not performed any better than the French economy over the past eleven years!
  • The housing market is unquestionably picking up, and all the evidence points to further improvement down the road. But the key drivers of demand have taken quite a bruising from the weaker economic environment of the past few years, and real estate has lost a good deal of its power to tow the rest of the economy in its wake.
  • Corporate profits in the U.S. are at a historic high. However, decelerating productivity growth has led to a significant slowdown in the rise of earnings over the last several quarters. The upshot is that by any standard, developments on the investment front have been extremely disappointing.
  • Lastly, while American pragmatism can be expected to bring about a postponement of the deadline for balancing the budget, thereby limiting the “fiscal cliff” risk to the economy, the fact remains that the country’s public finances are in alarming shape. The upcoming negotiations will necessarily turn the spotlight on one of the most disturbing issues facing the United States.

Recession for Everyone, Germany Included

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The current consensus will eventually collapse in the face of statistics released in the last twenty-four hours. The IFO’s July Business Climate Survey abundantly confirms a scenario that has looked inevitable since early spring—Europe has unquestionably entered a recession and no country will escape it. This should be a sobering warning to consensus economists, who were still predicting an improved outlook for 2013 in July, with 0.5 percent growth in the eurozone as a whole, 0.7 percent in France, and 1.3 percent in Germany! But while this grim news ought to prompt a wrenching re-evaluation, the forecasting community shows such inertia that we are unlikely to see any real change in the consensus until November or December. By then, it will be impossible to deny the undeniable: in 2013, the recession will spread from Southern Europe to the entire rest of the region, and the sovereign debt crisis will become increasingly hard to untangle.

 

€4.5 Trillion Balance Sheet Needed for the ECB to Achieve the Same Firepower as the Fed

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Since the onset of the financial crisis, the European Central Bank’s balance sheet has doubled in size—from €1.5 trillion in June 2008 to €3.1 trillion in August 2012. That’s impressive, but much less so than what most of the other major central banks have done, often in a much shorter time span. So the idea that the ECB is about to make use of further unconventional tools should be no cause for concern. In fact, for the eurozone to stand a fighting chance of survival, the ECB will have to pull out all the stops, going at least as far as the Fed and the Bank of England. That will mean boosting its balance sheet by another €1.5 trillion or so to a total of roughly €4.5 trillion. What should be a cause of concern is that the break with the past the central bank is about to make will prove to be less bold than required.

France’s 3-Percent Deficit Target for 2013: Harder and Harder to Believe

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Although the French government has repeatedly described its 3-percent deficit target for 2013 as “inviolable,” this claim should be taken with a large grain of salt. The fact that investors are willing to pay to hold French sovereign debt suggests that the government has done a good job communicating—no small achievement just when one neighboring country after another is forced to borrow at exorbitant rates. But let’s not be gullible: there is no way that France can meet its target. Even if the official growth forecasts were accurate—0.3 percent in 2012 and 1.2 percent in 2013—this would be an ambitious goal. If the economy goes into negative territory, it will be downright unattainable. Coming after three quarters of stagnation, the steady slide in economic activity since early summer will push France into a full-blown recession. We estimate that GDP should basically be flat this year, before decreasing by at least 0.7 percent on average next year. This differs markedly from the government’s current forecasts, the basis for its budgetary assumptions for 2012 and 2013. With a shortfall totaling 2.3 points of GDP (0.4 points in 2012, 1.9 points in 2013), meeting the 3-percent target in 2013 would require cuts equal to 3.6 points of GDP over those two years, in contrast to the 2.6 points initially forecast!

In other words, it would require unprecedented savings, two thirds of them in the coming year. If actually carried out, they would make France the eurozone’s star pupil in the field of fiscal retrenchment, but it seems unlikely they will be. In fact, it seems more like the government is playing with dynamite.

After a Summer Break, The Carrot and the Stick

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After several weeks of major uncertainty, investors hailed the ECB’s promises of late July, and the month of August provided a welcome lull. The two key questions are how long it will be before they start demanding follow-through on those promises, and just what the much-awaited measures will entail. By requiring Spain and Italy to request assistance from the EFSF rescue facility before agreeing to purchases of their government debt, the European leaders will only drive the EU even further into the morass it has been mired in for more than two years. And a growing number of countries in the region will inevitably get dragged down in the process. Unfortunately, those leaders show little inclination to do otherwise.